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The Impact of African Diplomacy in Global Politics: Where Does Liberia Stand?

By: Josephus Moses Gray.Email: graymoses@yahoo.com

In their brilliant researches and publications: “The Politics of Diplomacy” and “The Art Diplomacy”, the two American statesmen and former Secretaries of State, Mr. James A. Baker and Dr. Henry Kissinger took modern diplomacy to a higher level through their unique works, ideas, presentations and voices. The two illustrious, Baker and Kissinger, admired and described by many renowned diplomats and scholars as the leaders of negotiations and foreign policymakers, have provided a fascinating account of diplomacy in the contemporary world.

As Secretary of State, Baker became cardinal key to bringing the Cold War in for a soft landing by working alongside the former president of the then USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev and the former de facto leader of Soviet Georgia, Eduard Shevardnadze to maintain stability in Eastern Europe. Almost simultaneously, he put together the unprecedented coalition of nations that fought the first Gulf War. On the heels of that success, he organized the Madrid Peace Conference that brought Arab nations and Israel to the peace table for the first time in modern history.

While Henry Kissinger stands out as the dominant American statesman and foreign policymaker of the late 20th century. With his intellectual prowess and tough, skillful negotiating style, Kissinger ended the Vietnam War and greatly improved American relations with its former two primary Cold War enemies, China and the Soviet Union, now Russia.

This article written from the view of an analytical and empirical analysis of international relations, discusses three key issues, which among others, include the failures of African diplomats on the global stage of negotiations and crises management, depth into comparative analysis of foreign policy, discusses contemporary diplomatic practices and concludes with the reviews of modern international relations, in the context of African diplomacy.

As societies develop, new scenarios and equations arise in international relations and the formulation of foreign policy with very little concerns about insufficiency on Africa. Studies have shown that much quantitative analyses in international relations exclude Africa because unavailability of reliable information about the African’s di[lpmacy, particularly due to the failure of African diplomats to impact the world. The initial conceptual problems are reduced to four specific areas which are discussed in this article.

The current system of diplomatic relations has managed to adapt traditional core functions to contemporary requirements, supported by the modern international affairs. One of the most important functions of diplomatic mission is the protection of state’s interests that it represents and of its nationals-residents in the receiving State.

In his acclaimed book title: the Politics of Diplomacy, the former Secretary of State, James A. Baker revealed that the international prestige of any country depends increasingly on the consistency of its foreign policy, international relations and the effectiveness of its officials in the Foreign Service, particularly their loyalty and their ability and talents to safeguard and promote the interests of their nation.

It is clear that a thorough knowledge of international relations coupled with prudence and consistency also generates authority and the necessary strength to defend the interests of their states. Since new international relations call for a multidisciplinary approach to address contemporary challenges where coordination problems require diplomacy and strategy underpinned by internal consensus, much are expected of those on the frontline to protect their countries’ images.

In his thesis on modern diplomacy, former Secretary Baker further explained that an effective diplomacy requires clear and precise goals, in addition to the skillful use of modern means of communication and objective perception of the current international issues. In practical terms, for a diplomat to perform his tasks properly, the individual should be properly informed about the state of relations between the State he represents and the receiving State and the results his State intends to derive from such relationships as a whole.

Without a duly established professional diplomacy, the diplomatic staff of a foreign mission tends to be an unpredictable diversity, with obvious consequences. These include the limited ability to effectively take advantage of opportunities and to adequately address the risks posed by the new international environment.

The philosophical changes in international relations, evident in its orientation, design and implementation, are often the result of the speed and intensity of changes from the globalization process and the increasing inclusion and participation of world leaders. The multiplicity of simultaneous and different fora of negotiation in the international arena is another contributing factor for the deep changes in international relations.

For a Ghanaian retired diplomat and statesman, Michael Anda, in his book titled “Contemporary Diplomacy in Africa”, argued that if diplomatic functions are to be conducted properly, African diplomats should be visible in their assignments and must be credible spokesmen for their countries’ foreign policy interests.

In his admired work, Anda detailed that some of these African Missions do not perform demanding diplomatic tasks sufficiently and effectively, most often taking a back seats during major occasions, while their colleagues meanly from the United States, Europe and Asia become visible at major conferences or summits. Their failures, he said to make an impact at these gathering may not be intentional but the inability of most of these African diplomats to read and conduct research, while inferiority has a great part to play.

He further argued that it is clear that the deficiency of African diplomats include serious weaknesses such as unqualified, incompetent, and above all the failures to, for most of them, take their responsibilities very seriously, while the appointment of politicians and others with no experience, knowledge, education and training in international relations and diplomacy.

While there are other African diplomats with unique education and respectable characters, some are either elementary or high school dropped out but managed to beat the system fraudulently to get appointed by forging their credentials to reach this level while others in some instances have to bribe in return for preferential treatment.

This incompetency came to light in 2013 when a certain flamboyant ambassador was quizzed by a group of students during a certain occasion. I was embarrassed that I wished the grounds that I was standing would open so that I could have plunged beneath and disappeared. The diplomat couldn’t distinguish foreign policy from international relations and the new world order on one hand and the doctrines of President Obama and former president George W. Bush on the order hand.

On the stage, this guy became a laughing-showcase and not far from being ‘dumb-ridden cattle among his peers and the students. For every time he tries to escape the question, he was reminded to address the students’ questions and provide answer. After his ineptness became broad, and vivid, the monitor requested the students to give the ambassador breathing space. The intervention of the monitor was geared towards rescuing the trapped ambassador from further exposing his ignorance in the global art and craft of diplomacy.

Other factor responsible for the low productivity of African diplomacy is the serious issue of diplomats negotiating which missions to be assigned, instead of getting posted to counties by those with the appointing powers. It is common for these so-called influential diplomats to lobby for posting to prestigious diplomatic missions in Europe, Asia, America and multilateral organizations, as greater numbers are not willing to be posted to African missions, especially the underdeveloped ones.

Another problem of concern is the existence of too many diplomatic missions abroad, which places a heavy financial burden on the scarce resources of these poor African Countries, decisively maintaining more contacts with non-African states. Studies have shown that Washington, Paris, London or Beijing wouldn’t post diplomats to countries of their choice or where diplomats do not have command over the language of the host state. In the words of Warren Christopher, diplomat is a crisis manager and must possess: A good knowledge of international relations, a good understanding of how international relations function between states.

This is another major deficiency for African countries which post diplomats to countries without being acknowledged of the host state’s language. The smart ones take less time to learn the language while others spent years without being able to communicate through the medium of both spoken and written language of the host state.

Let me remind those at the topic of decision making that the use of effective communication is important in diplomacy as such, understanding the host country’s language is not just key in the process rather a profound added advantage. In order for a Foreign Service officer especially an ambassador to gain respect on the global stage, one appointed as ambassador should have a taste and desire to seek new knowledge by reading and conducting research; must be cognoscente that contemporary diplomacy goes beyond curtails red wine and swanky banquets

Others may argued that interpreter or translator will play to key role in the process, but let us not forget that the interpreter will not always say the precise words-either there will be addition or reduction in the interpretation. While some are very good in interpretation, others do not have the academic intellect and are educational weaklings or dwarfs to meet up with the demanding tasks that go with the job but will seek for the job solely to make their living at

the detriment of these countries.

Although developing countries far out-numbered fully industrialized states, they are often neglected in the study of international relations, especially with respect to the development of foreign policy theory. International Relations in Contemporary Africa attempts to fill this void in the literature on comparative international relations while at the same time providing a detailed analysis of the economic development and integration.

In contemporary diplomacy, the issues of economic interests, trade, protection of nationals, and security have become much more difficult, with major challenges affecting the practices of diplomacy being influenced by major actors and powerful states, and some time the continued experiment of global, continental and regional groupings. Other factors such as bad political decisions in domestic politics, economic growth, and technological development, among others have greatly affected African diplomacy.

Vividly I can remember the famous words of my professor during my studies in Paris, France when he stressed that diplomat should be fully aware of every day work and new profound changes in international relations and be able to partner major institutions and multi-million companies in host country to enhance economic growth back home in his country.

That is why those tasked with economic and political activities at embassies must be sharp, cognizant of global prevailing wheeling and dealing; keep check of the financial and political movers and shakers, be well-schooled and knowledgeable of dynamics of economic diplomacy which encourages greater cooperation and relations that protects investment and bilateral ties between two states or among companies.

Former American Secretary of State, Madeleine K. Albright in her book: New American Diplomacy, (2000), pinpointed that Diplomacy is the art and practice of negotiation between nations, conducted mostly through private conversations and the exchange of confidential documents. While it is true that a diplomat especial ambassador may not always tell the truth, but to be effective the diplomat must be credible to attract the confidence of the government to which he is accredited and be a person of high esteem with unquestionable integrity.

A diplomat, according to acceptable practices, should be acknowledgeable of other states, regions, and of the mechanisms and procedures of international intercourse which involves a deep knowledge of the world network of diplomatic missions and consular posts, their functions, their practice and structure. As an added advantage, a diplomat should be crafty in crisis management and damage control and as far as possible without surrender, be well-rounded in performance.

A diplomat should also possess specialist qualities such as: political awareness, economic and trade knowledge, personal acceptability, education, intellectual curiosity and intellectual versatility, and not just sit and wait to be teleguided. A diplomat should level up fully to the new trends of diplomatic behavior and challenge should not come as a surprise, but for others it does, taking into consideration contemporary complexities of the international system, in which a multiplicity of major actors operates, which demand new approaches and solutions for a new demanding challenges.

In order for a Foreign Service officer including ambassador to gain respect on the global stage, one appointed to a key diplomatic post should have taste and desire to seek new knowledge by reading and conducting research about the host country; must be cognoscente that contemporary diplomacy goes beyond curtails red wine, swanky banquets and money making business to enrich himself and family against the greater good of the sending country

Another area of diplomacy which has brought great development to other nations is economic and trade diplomacy, as well as economic and commercial diplomacy. As part of the State’s foreign policy, economic diplomacy and trade are now being given greater priority; these areas are now key factors in the development of contemporary international politics. Unlike the Western, European and Asia diplomats who are very effective and sufficient in the practices most African diplomats are far below the belt, leading to the underdevelopment of their countries.

Undoubtedly, economic, trade and commercial diplomacy should be a key State project that requires a strong background of the diplomats from a multidisciplinary perspective. Professional diplomacy is an appropriate instrument to perform this synthesis, to the extent that it can use its persuasive techniques in favor of businesses and investments and, simultaneously, prove to be politically and economically profitable to the sending state.

The former Secretary of State and Nobel Peace Prize Winner, Dr. Henry Kissinger, in his widely read prestigious book detailed that in the formulation of foreign policy, it is obvious that the economic and trade diplomacy has become an inseparable element of conventional diplomacy, particularly in its professional management.

The book detailed Dr. Kissinger’s experiences and works as Secretary of State; I never get tire reading the book which contain over six hundred pages, it is a unique class of works on diplomacy.

However, other books read have recognized diplomacy that specializes in economic promotion, while lacking a strong background in this field, runs the risk of having devalued its role in the modern State. While in the execution and advance of economic and commercial diplomacy, often a key state project should be consistent. Its executors must be up-to-date with international economic and trade issues and must be prepared to constantly update their knowledge and the rapidly evolving technical procedures in international trade and its parallel negotiations.

My experience in the field of international relations and world politics placed me in the best position to author this article, one of series written and published. In the field of a contemporary diplomacy, Economic and trade diplomacy is gaining greater momentum internationally. For a State, its economic power, the dynamism of its trade and its presence in global markets.

But the political benefit of active trade diplomacy is not instantaneous, nor does its economic strength guarantee lasting political friendship with other States. The political force of a State does not rest solely and directly on its economic parameters. It is necessary to combine the ability to consistently trade with the operation in other fields, and all this must be coupled with greater social cohesion.

Their specialized work, to be effective, requires constant updating of knowledge and techniques and procedures. It is also essential for them in this exercise to ensure appropriate consistency in the identification of sustained national economic interests abroad in order to allow for effective economic diplomacy outside of the State.

This is one of the major problems for African countries, majority of these people assigned to these tasks in most of thr African embassies are unproductive and insufficient, but they are given the responsibility; the question is how does the government expect them to perform? People occupying these positions necessarily do not have to come from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs rather from other specialized agencies and ministries of government where experience and education in the field is the core value, and nor preferential treatment.

In accordance with contemporary requirements, economic issues and trade have been established in the external actions of states as consistently growing objectives which are now given greater priority. They also are regarded as key factors in the current dynamics of international politics. Cooperation and the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security have traditionally been, and remain today, essential goals of diplomacy.

However, it is clear that economic and commercial aspects, particularly those related to investment, exports, protection and assistance are essential aspects of the diplomatic activities of a considerable number of countries. Actually, economic and trade diplomacy involves joint efforts through cooperation between governments and the private and public business sectors with respect to external actions to achieving economic goals linked to the national interests.

It is also essential to ensure greater consistency in the identification of sustained national economic interests abroad and, through careful analysis, develop a model that can effectively ensure a safety pin to guide economic diplomacy in carrying out external economic action by appointing people who are intellectually efficient and knowledgably in the field of the studies, diplomats who are “push and start” should be given another assignment in their missions where they can be effective, and not overnight transformed into arm chair diplomats and sleep through a great revolution like a day in the life of Rip Van Winkle.

Africa’s Rich Oil: The New Political Scramble and Core Causes for Conflict Around The Continent (Part 2)

By: Josephus Moses Gray

Mobile: 0776824437/Email: jmoses1970@yahoo.com

The African continent which is sanctified with riches is drawing new interests from powerful and influential countries and companies around the globe owing to its riches especially the high quality of oil and wealth. These countries and major actors nowadays see the continent as the most promising place in the world for new production since it doesn't have the huge deposits that the Middle East and Russia do, but what it does have is accessible and largely unexploited rich oil and wealth. The continent oil's high quality makes it relatively inexpensive to refine.

But most Africans are seeing little benefit from this influx of oil drillers and investment; in fact they are often hurt by exports of their countries' oil and other riches. For instance, between 1970 and 1990, countries without oil saw their economies grow five times faster than those of countries with high quality of oil. A classical example is Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, these two neighboring countries with abundant of oil and riches are rated among the poorly nations. This is directly due to abuse of riches by the corrupt elites, politicians and foreign capitalists.

However, part two of this article aims to scrutinize the claim that Africa is facing a New Scramble squally due to its high eminence of oil; analyzing the nature of the economic and political changes at work, the importance of Africa’s riches, and the political and economic forces behind the new oil rush. It also present in-depth, incisive analysis of critical issues in Africa and beyond such as the new scramble for the continent’s richer resources, and the core causes for poverty, corruption, bad governance and sparse distribution of oil wealth, thus using various moral lessons drawn concerning the present-day realities of the struggle for wealth.

Part one which was published few months ago started with an overview of the phenomenon labeled by some as the ‘New Scramble’. The main body of the article evaluates the existence of a new scramble for the continent oil. Finally, by analyzing the likely impact on the economies of oil-producing states, it considers whether we should dismay or rejoice over the ‘new scramble for Africa’ oil. It further wrap up that the on-going existence of a oil scramble or a US–Chinese pursuit for Africa should be treated with some caution, while the economic impact of oil investments is likely to be bleak.

So far, most of the attention has been focused on the struggles by external forces for Africa’s riches with the continent oil's high quality at the center of the new scramble. Yet, it is important to critically examine the struggle for the control of oil in Africa, and the ways in which these connect with the broader global structures, actors and processes. This struggle has several dimensions, but it is often represented as pitching centralized control of oil revenues such as by a centralized state or dominant elite or group to the exclusion of marginalized groups or regions. The foregoing underscores the close intimacy between state and oil oriented power or agency, and the nature of the fractional squabbles over oil revenues on a national scale, which imposes centralist logic on the control and distribution of oil rents.

The result of a centralist imposition of control from past experience is both the intense horizontal struggles for access to, and control of a larger share of oil rents, but more fundamentally, vertical struggles between the marginalized and oppressed groups and the corrupt foreign capitalists, egocentric politicians or oil elite privileged individuals. These struggles also underpin the privileged class formation process mostly through strategic locationing in the distributive circuits of the politics of the oil-state often carried out through primitive accumulation activities. As such the premium on controlling political power is very high, leaving virtually no incentive or space for the democratization of state-society relations. Such features can be gleaned from politics in Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Southern Sudan, Sudan, Chad, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, just among few countries.

Another dimension of the struggles over oil is the relationship between foreign oil companies and national capital in African oil blessed-states, there are also competitors in those African countries where a petro-bourgeoisie is emerging, and seeking incorporation into a transnational capitalist class. This is most visible from the policies of most African governments. This effort at building indigenous oil-elite can be gleaned from several policies intended to benefit few instead of the largest society on the continent. There is no doubt that the leverage given to most of these companies run by corrupt foreign capitalists, gluttonous politicians and advantaged elite class has partly fed into a new kind of economic nationalism, driven by the quest for more profit and the political patronage. Theses botched policies are wholly attributing to poverty and suffering on the continent, where 60% of the population lived beyond poverty lines.

A recent UN report shows that 85% of Africans have no access to standard pipe born water, good health care, electricity, social security benefits, sanitation facilities and good meals a day. The report further indicates that 25.8 million people of the two-thirds of the total world population suffering from HIV/AIDS live in Africa. And that Africa remains abundant in human and natural resources, but these riches especially millions generated from the sale of oil managed to enrich only a handful of African leaders and the family members, corrupt bureaucrats and their relatives and close friends, privileged individuals and foreign capitalists.

The continent riches blessed with natural resources is facing faces devastating crippling rates of poverty, hunger, and disease due to a ‘new scramble due primarily to its riches especially oil, with world’s two largest economy powers, US and China competing over access to African resources and markets in Africa. The U.S. long-standing dominance in its diplomatic ties several African countries and influence has been challenged in recent time by emerging China. Most studies explain that this is due to the changing distribution of power at several levels on the continent, while the French, British and Russia on other fronts have enforced their influences through a diplomatic tie on the continent. Most studies show that the new diplomatic maneuverings and stratagem is one of several factors responsible for the continents chronic political, economic and security problems and also the infusion of violence in several African states.

Several political pundits believe that China ties with some regimes in Africa and Chinese government aid to many African states with no strings attached policy undermine democracy, apparently can be blamed for bad governances, praetorian rule by ruling elites and vulnerability of the largest populations. But there are millions of others who hailed Sino-African partnership and believed that it results to a win-win situation, arguing that African countries stand to benefit immensely in the context of infrastructural development. However, the actual cause of the argument stands from different interpretations and perceptions, most importantly how accurate is the information they obtain or hand over to them. Nevertheless, be mindful against making a decision on the debates, I decided to refrain from discussing a particular case or situation in relationship to a specific African country or any of the big power since my doctorate dissertation which contains over 450 pages discusses the subject on hand in details, with illustration, cases and references.

What flows from the following is the complex architecture of the scramble for oil and its enmeshment with trans-global processes and actors. Given its place in the class struggles around in a rapidly globalizing world, oil is destined to be choice for power, influence and wealth. Whether the struggle with between foreign capitalists and the ruling elite or State/ Indigenous private oil capital, the contestations are framed within highly inequitable relations of production and distribution, which deepen existing social contradictions within Africa, and further complicate any prospects of social transformation, or the democratization of state-society relations.

Beijing‘s recent engagement in Africa has attracted a lot of attention and become a major economic force in Africa with a big amount of trade, investment and aid. Some critics especially from the West often use a double-standard to measure the Chinese engagement in Africa compared with the Western one. But also many people from different standpoints believe Chinese action to be beneficial to African development and help to empower the huge population on the continent. But from a critical point of views, China serves as both an opportunity and a challenge. The opposite side claims Chinese-African relations were established long before China‘s need for raw materials on the basis of mutual sympathy and common development instead of colonization.

Africa is frequently viewed as a loser in the process of economic globalization. Writers have emphasized that Africa is of little relevance ‘because no important economic interests are greatly affected’. But Africa’s oil and gas is one of the few outstanding exceptions to the perceived insignificance of Africa. Some capitalists predict that the United States will soon depend on Africa for a quarter of its total crude oil imports, and Africa already accounts for more than a quarter of China’s oil imports nowadays. Oil experts have revealed that unless geologists succeed in finding new and so far unidentified provinces, as consumers we will all be dependent on supplies from just three areas — West Africa, Russia and, most important of all, the five states around the Mideast.

Part three of this article which appears very soon will discuss in-depth the strategic interests of several powerful countries in Africa’s oil rich nations. Let us not forget that the new scramble by Washington and Beijing is also drawing a new challenge from other actors from other countries including emerging economies such as Malaysia, South Korea, Brazil, and India. In March 2006, the ex-president of South Korea, Roh Moo-hyun, visited three resource-rich African countries, which according to a South Korean minister had a clear rationale: ‘Closer cooperation with Africa’s oil producers will help South Korea diversify its petroleum import sources, while Brazilian’s former president Lula da Silva has made a number of trips to Africa during his turners which are thought to help in selling Brazilian goods and services to oil-rich African countries and boosting Brazilian access to African oil.

The prospect for oil in São Tomé Príncipe has seen the Brazilian authorities opening their first embassy on the island in 2003, in addition, Brazil has opened an oil-backed loan credit line with Angola for US$580 million for the next several years paid with huge barrels of oil a day. Malaysia and India are also making significant investments in African oil-producing countries. For instance, in 2005, India offered lines of credit worth up to US$1 billion for infrastructure projects to West African petro-states ‘in exchange of oil exploration rights’. Pounding the views that all of that newfound interest in Africa amount to a New Scramble. Also Beijing has constructed the new headquarters for the African Union, while US has allocated billion dollars as a direct aid to Africa.

More fundamentally, as a student of international relations and politics, I am of the opinion that the use of the term ‘new scramble to reference to global interest in African oil, appeared to be wrongly used since in that the original term ‘Scramble for Africa’ in the 1880s and 1890s signified a very different process. This period witnessed European nations including Britain, France, Germany, and Belgium turn Africa into colonies following a formal partition of Africa at the Berlin conference between 1884 and 1885. The Berlin conference provided those European nations with the legitimacy to govern Africa politically, militarily, and economically according to their spheres of control (Nohra 2008). It is my understanding that access to natural resources such as oil in the colonies was dictated by the colonial power that provided the human expertise, capital, and technology to ignite the oil boom that followed.

But in his thesis, Jedrzej George argues that it has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a ‘new scramble’ thanks primarily to its oil and gas wealth, with the United States and the People’s Republic of China actively competing for access to Africa’s resources. Crude oil is one of the world’s most important strategic resources, and Africa has attracted a lot of attention among corporate and political decision-makers because of growing global oil demand. He propounded further that indeed, it has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a ‘new scramble’ primarily to its oil and gas wealth.

Some capitalists and ruling elites have continue to loosely use the term scramble. in a different place, the term ‘new scramble’ had been used to refer to the expanding interests of the United States in Africa. A preoccupation with China and the United States reflects discussions in the corridors of power across the globe about a new Sino–American rivalry in Africa, coming only less than a decade after talk of a developing US– French rivalry in Africa. There is evidence of greater involvement of the United States and China in Africa, in terms of both commercial interests and political engagement on higher diplomatic levels.

According to Jedrzej George, China is currently Africa’s third most important trading partner, ahead of the United Kingdom and behind the United States and France, with foreign direct investment (FDI) to Africa from China reached Billions while Chinese crude oil imports already derived from African oil-producing countries. More than 900 Chinese companies according to studies are reportedly operating in several African countries, and Chinese trade with Africa was said to surpass US$50 billion in 2006. He also said American investments in Africa have not risen at the same exponential rates over the past decade, but they are still enormous, stressing that Washington still commends greater admiration in Africa due primarily to its diplomatic influence and authority on a world stage, with no country received great respect as US.

At the same time, oil imports such as crude and non-crude continued to dominate imports from Sub-Saharan Africa with US$40.1 billion in oil imports in 2005, accounting for 79.8 percent of all US purchases in the continent. African oil imports to the United States have been steadily rising and already account for some 20 percent of total US imports( Huddgary 2007), saying that the United States already imports more oil from Africa than from the whole Persian Gulf.

In his thesis(Gray, Josephus, 2012) pinpointed that there is some skepticism, that the present resource-rich African states and political elite may not be able to use the increased revenues to transform their economies or societies, and would more likely enrich themselves and their patrimonial networks, and seek to entrench themselves in power through forceful means. Gray’s finding which is supported by several other students of International Relations and Politics, also pictures that emerges is that while China appears to have got its act together, Africa is still searching, with the West busy sizing up the Chinese influence on the continent and exploring the options for taking advantage of it.

In the final analysis, there can be no easy answers outside of a critical reading of the processes of transnational capitalist accumulation, in which oil plays a central role. The prospects of oil-rich African states emerging from the present struggle for the continent’s resources will ultimately depend of the ability of these states to transform themselves through a developmental ethos to acts as catalysts both for social and economic transformation, but perhaps more fundamentally, for the re-organization of production in the oil rich African states in ways that lift it out of its marginal position in the globalised division of labor. According to studies, most Africans are seeing little benefit from this influx of oil drillers and investment; in fact they are often hurt by exports of their countries' oil. And Between 1970 and 1990, countries without oil saw their economies grow five times faster than those of countries with oil, Liberia is a classical example.

This much is clear from the well-known Niger Delta crisis where the struggle by the ethnic minorities for autonomy and resource control has assumed insurgent proportions with frequent attacks on oil and government interests by well-armed militias. Apart from the militias, transnational networks trading in illegal bunkering and small arms are also involved in the struggles for oil in the Niger Delta. By blending into the state-oil company-oil community nodes of power, authority and conflict, these networks are responsible for the loss of huge percent of oil production annually. Consider Gabon, which produces over 300,000 barrels of oil a day. "It's covered with tropical rainforest, but it's hard to find bananas that are grown there. They are mostly imported from Cameroon. At one point, Gabon was the world's largest per-capita importer of champagne." The oil -- and the champagne -- will eventually run dry. Gabon, with relatively small reserves, is already coming to terms with that possibility. By then, much of the rest of the country's economy may have atrophied, studies have indicated.

In conclusion, oil money tends to corrupt politicians and bureaucrats whose end up vying to pocket a share of the finite oil riches, rather than looking for ways to invest in their country's long-term prosperity. Studies show that most oil rich’s governments aren't dependent on income taxes and therefore don't have to do what the citizens want, as such the state isn't an engineer of economic growth, but a gravy train. In this case, only a limited amount of money gets down to the people." The preceding clearly shows that although the scramble for Africa formally ended at the doorsteps of colonial rule, and independence, its spirit continues to haunt the continent as the world most powerful states, foreign capitalists, corrupt bureaucrats and egotistic actors continue to seek its resources for power, influence and domination on a global scale.

Although the Western development workers and Africa have been questing the way of development of Africa for a long time and have been seeking for a change, the reality is still disillusioning. The structural adjustment initiated by western government and adopted by African government seems to be a failure. The idea of turning to China as an alternative for prosperity has captured the imagination of many ordinary Africans, although others fear the threat of competition from the Chinese industrial juggernaut, and the rise of Chinese traders competing in local African markets. In this part two of this article, I have presented a conceptual and contextual framework, because I think it is necessary to outline some background information before discussing the issue. In part three of this article which will be released in two weeks time, I will try to explain some concepts and provide the Beijing and Washington policies towards Africa and what Africa hope to benefit from this new level of ties.

Let us not forget that at the beginning of the 1960s it was fashionable then to look upon the Congo tragedy as the unique example of Belgian colonial ineptitude. Now with years of bitter experience behind us, we can say that the Congo situation pointed to all the issues which would afflict Africa from the 60 to 2000s if the issues of greed for political power and the emerging struggles for oil wealth are not carefully hand and address. Presently, about 80 percent of the crises across the continent are direct result of the struggles for oil wealth or protect against exclusion from oil resources.

The Congo gave us also the first real taste of the cold war involvement in Africa. As the Congo became a battle sound of international strife, it was unfortunately the African who bore the brunt. It was once again the Congo which gave Black Africa the first indication of the importance of diplomacy in African politics. Since the Congo-Brazzaville war in the 1960s, the continent experienced dozen of brutal wars in several countries including the Nigeria’s Biafra war, the rebels’ war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (formally Zaire), Angola, Uganda, Somalia, Ethiopian-Eritrea war, Rwanda war between the Hutu and the Tutsi, Senegal-Casamance Region, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Northern and Southern Sudan’s war, Kenya post election violence, Libyan, and now Mali, just to name few. All these wars were direct results of abused of state resources and national wealth, bad governances, corruption, class system and abused of state power and authority by handful of African leaders and foreign capitalists.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Josephus Moses Gray holds BA and MA Degrees in Communications and International Relations. He formerly worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as Assistant Minister for Public Affairs. He is a Ph.D fellow with concentration in International Relations. He is a graduate of the ICFA Global Journalism Program, Washington D.C., USA. He holds dozens of certificates and post-graduate diplomas in Journalism, international affairs, political, Development economics, peace studies and diplomacy from abroad including the Chinese Foreign Affairs University in Beijing, Cape Town, South Africa and Atlanta, Georgia, USA. He has authored two books and has written extensively and published 33 articles on contemporary issues. He can be contacted at Email: jmoses1970@yahoo.com or 00231776824437(Liberia) and 0033661191739(France)

A Critical Reviews of an Instructive Book on Liberia’s Emerging Democracy

………….The Role of Women and the Media……….

By; Jacob T. Newton/ Freelance Journalist

Contact; +231-777913353/Monrovia

One of the highly rated and respectable Presidents of the United States of America (USA), the late John F Kennedy, in his famous inaugural address delivered on January 20 1961 in Washington, D.C. said: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.

And just as a matter of another critical reflection, the World Chief Diplomat, Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, a month after his first election to run the affairs of this challenging and dedicated office, was filled with praises when a 27-year-old Indian presented copy of his book on conflicts resolution. Without viewing through the pages of this young man’s publication, the UN Secretary-General lauded the effort and works of this young Indian to assume such an enormous task.

He said: “if the world and others can join this gentleman to devote their times, energies and resources to conduct research on vital subjects, and have their findings made published to enlighten and educate the larger society, the world would be a better place to live.” For others, he said they have developed an infamous habit of condemning and undermining, these people he said are always troubled by certain people’s progress and accomplishments.

These two world leaders’ famous and inspirational words have motivated me to firstly commend Josephus Moses Gray for his determination to stand up to the daunting task for such an unique publication and secondly to review in detailed Mr. Gray’s instructive book on democracy, the role of the Liberian Media and Women in our country rising democracy. This recent publication by a Liberian diplomat without doubt worth commendation; let us motivate him for a future challenges instead of pushing him down for such an unique accomplishment. I am not surprised for such an triumph because as a former classmate of the Cape Palmas High School in Maryland, Josephus Gray formerly named J. Moses Gray was one of the best three in our class especially in area participatory and presentations. Also as a former school-mate on the Graduate School level and a regular reader of Mr. Gray’s edifying articles which border on several vital issues including international relations, diplomacy, international affairs, journalism, mainstream gender and women related issues, as well as political, economics and democratic issues, I am well overwhelmed by this achievement.

Before reviewing Mr. Gray’s book, let we share with you all what writing and reading does. So true! Books are for so many things. They are knowledge, with knowledge comes wisdom and then power. They are something that can take us away from the cares of this world for a while at least. Books can take you to a world you could never get to except thru a book and most importantly, reading and writing make one a ready person.

Writing and reading are really like taking a flight to great heights in pursuit of knowledge. They are journeys toward enlightenment. Even if you have read one good book in your life, you will know what writing and reading give. Both give you incomparable pleasure. Read one good book and you will know what the joys of reading are. Reading nourishes your mind and writing helps you to discover new ideas, new information and widen your knowledge. You eat to keep your body fit and working, right? Then reading is a food for your mind and soul. While writing upkeeps the information of what have occurred or happening around. It helps you remain updated regarding the trend of events about what's changing and not just that; writing and reading encourage you to think and imagine.

In the spirit of doing justice to this undertaking, let me now turn my attention to instructive book titled: “LIBERIA’S EMERGING DEMOCRACY,” The Role Of Women and the Media, which contains ten essential Chapters detailing and analyzing Liberia’s emerging democracy, the indispensable contributions of our Liberian mothers and the major role of the local media in the peace process. For record purposes, the author of the book, Mr. Gray, he is a former Liberian journalist and ex-Assistant Foreign Minister for Public Affairs. He presently serves his country in the Foreign Service in the area of Political Counsellor at the Embassy of Liberia in the Republic of France where he is undergoing his doctorate studies in International Relations and Public Policy. His dissertation is on ‘China Strategic Oil Interest in Africa’; Sino-African Ties and the New Scramble for Resources.

The Book is a real fascinating and compelling eyewitness account of the author and gives true insights of Liberia's dark days of 14-year turmoil and the amazing role of Liberian women and the local media in the obtainment of genuine peace and the restoration of law. The publication also highlights the immense contributions of ECOWAS, UN, AU, USA and the enormous sacrifices made by peace-keepers and loses sustained to bring peace and stability to Liberia. The publication covers a wild range of issues including the current status of democracy in Liberia and catalogues the key role of three of the nine ECOMOG Force Commanders, especially the three courageous Nigerian Generals including Maj-Gen. Joshua Dogonyaro ,Brig-Gen .AdetunjiI dowuOlurin and Brig-Gen Victor Malu. These three generals leave an irreplaceable mark in the history of Liberia, the author pinpointed.

Mr. Gray, in his research, discovered how several young women resorted to fight to protect themselves from abuses such as rape, violence, murder and a harsh labor regime while other war affected women were held hostage and used as 'combat-wives' of warlords and fighters against their will. The book also highlights Liberian women as actors and not merely victims of conflict and discusses the strategies the women used effectively and points to their role in building bridges across society through grassroots peace building initiatives and in bringing former warlords to the peace table. The book also shows how Liberian journalists performed a critical role in bringing mayhems and atrocities committed during the heat of the war to light but also document how the journalists paid a greater price. The book launched in January 2013 at the headquarters of the Press Union of Liberia (PUL) covers other vital issues. Chapter Two of the book discusses how Liberian women played a crucial role in getting warlords to the negotiating table eventually culminating to the attainment of peace and stability in the country. In general, the book discusses the central role of Liberian women and in particular a comment on the vigorous contributions of several Liberian women who are making efforts to rebuild their country ravaged by years of war.

The other women whose contributions are highlighted in the book are Mary Brownell, a respectable woman, classroom teacher and peace campaigner, her search for peace has gone beyond national borders and greatly impacted the society, Angie Brooks Randall, the first female president of the General Assembly of the United Nation, and Senator Ruth Sando Perry, former Chair of the Six-man Council of State, are all mentioned in the book. Sando Perry is credited for her efforts in helping to restore law and order and improve conditions in the country during the transitional period and Roberta Leymah Gbowee, peace campaigner and a joint winner of the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize who led the women's movement to help end the war in Liberia. The book further detailed Mother Suakoko of Bong County role in the fight against injustices while President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Africa First female democratically elected president contributions in restoring the nation’s image abroad and status among the comity of nations has been touched.

According to the book, the struggle of Liberian women for place in the body politics of Liberia started long time since the famous role of Mother Suakoko and other indigenous Liberian women and Juah Nimene of the Kru ethnic group who headed the Sasstown resistances against injustices by government forces. History deliberately failed to remember these two indigenous major actors for selfish reasons, but the book gives some details of the role in the past. According to the publication, it was the women who braved the storm to walk through the deadly checkpoints to find food for their family members, some women were unfortunately subjected to sexual abuse, beaten and tortured by combatants. Despite of visible intimidations and nastiness, the women without fears went across battle lines in spite heavy fighting to spread peace messages.

The 480 page well researched publication discusses how Liberian women paid the heaviest price in the violence perpetrated by warring factions, they were violated, harassed, beaten and stripped of their goods and values, they were subdued and maltreated, were undeterred by the havocs, they stood their grounds and courageously echoed their vices by pressing the rebels’ leaders to play to the rule of non-violent and seek solutions through the conference table and not bullets.

According to the publication, some were stripped of their incomes; love ones and families, forcing some of the women to join the “armed struggles” so that they could meet their livelihood and feed themselves and their families. However, several young women joined rebel factions in order to protect themselves from abuses such as rape and from being taken as combat-wives by rebel fighters. Most war affected women were held hostage and used as ‘combat-wives of warlords and fighters, while others ‘were conscripted to head-load materials along forest tracks and cook and provide sexual services for the combatants.

The book revealed that in the face of these madness, women were undeterred, they ran the day-to-day affairs by also ensuring that the insanity in the county be brought to an end; by that, they traded places, engaging influential and powerful global movers and shakers as well as world leaders pinning their serious attentions to the hell their country had been plunged into. Moreover, they sacrificed their personal security and lives by openly undertaking lengthy periods of prayers and open-air fasting invoking the divine intervention of the ‘Father of Creation’ to end the war.

From research and analyses, it is evident that with the level of academic accomplishments and exposures in internationally demanding skills, Liberian women are wasting no time in finding and occupying positions once denied them by their male-counterpart. As a result, Africa has produced the first and second “woman” presidents, Nobel Peace Prize winners and more and more women are pushing in all directions for control and command of the helm of public and private institutions in national and international establishments.

The book further discusses the 2005 and 2011 Presidential and Legislative Elections, unlike the 1997 ‘special election’ which brought former President Charles Taylor to power. It is worth mentioning, however, that despite the significant progress in adhering to the tenets democracy, there are still serious unsettled challenges which threaten the sustainability of peace and democracy in the country as discussed in the book. The book also discusses the doctrine of the “separation of power” which actually means “division” of the state‘s power rooted in the three branches of government detached of interference.

The book also detailed the brutalities and maltreatments journalists suffered at the hands of warlords and their unruly fighters, often leaving the hapless journalists dead while others are faced with life time injuries. The book shows how Liberian journalists performed a critical role in bringing mayhems and atrocities to light but also documents how the journalists paid a greater price.

The book, however, indicts some of the local media of biased reporting by siding with the status quo, treating some candidates who contested elections with favor and giving less coverage to others. Those the mainstream media’s over-reliance and closeness to the status quo routinely leads to bias in news reporting. Ironically, in Liberia, those in the mainstream media who reflect the ideological views of those in power are too often accepted as being “objective,” while the rest of their colleagues who challenge those views are simply dismissed as “ideological” or “biased.”

The book further exposed how death threats were regularly used by warlords and fighters to silence the independent media, forcing independent media houses to close down while state security actors on several occasions victimized media personnel and vandalized media institutions in the name of protecting the security of the state.

Under the sub-title: “To Hell and Back”, the book also discusses how the author Josephus Moses Gray on three different occasions during the heat of the war saw death but survived through the mercy of God. The author pinpoints to pains, death threats, agony, tortures and mayhems that he experienced at the hands of rebel fighters of Charles Taylor’s National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) and George Boley’s Liberia Peace Council (LPC). Sadly, he recounts how his father, Abraham K. Gray and 26 others from the Kru ethnic group were tied and buried alive in the Hoffman River in Harper City, Maryland County on April 5, 1995 by fighters of the LPC.

The significant role of West African peacekeepers, ECOMOG in denying Mr. Taylor from taking power through the barrel of the gun, evident by several onslaughts on Monrovia, is highlighted in the book. The gallant men and women of EOCMOG made enormous sacrifices through blood and sweat in denying Taylor from forcing his way into the Executive Mansion. The author looks at the major role of each of the nine ECOMOG Force Commanders whose war strategies and plans devastated and inflicted heavy wounds on Mr. Taylo’s NPFL during the infamous ‘Operation Octopus’ in October 1992.

Additionally, the book discusses the initiatives of West African leaders crisscrossed the sub-region looking for an answer to the Liberian puzzle, from Banjul through Lome and Cotonou to Abuja and to Bamako and Yamoussoukro and finally to Accra and how Liberia dominated the politics of the region from 1990 to 2005 before holding an internationally acclaimed democratic elections in October 2005.

The book also catalogues the key role of three of the nine ECOMOG Force Commanders, especially the three courageous Nigerian Generals – Maj-Gen. Joshua Dogonyaro, Brig-Gen. Adetunji Idowu Olurin and Brig-Gen. Victor Malu. The book also documents summary massacres, killings executions, rapes and gross abuses carried out by belligerent forces and non-state actors against innocent civilians. It details major events during the 14-year war, and points to more gruesome and dreadful acts carried out by the various warring factions including LPC, INPFL, ULIMO-J and K, MODEL and LURD.

The underlying factors of the war and its foundation are also highlighted in the book, while it briefly delves into the crisis and examines political participation and the NPFL invasion and several attempts by peace brokers to end the conflict. It looks at the various peace agreements including the most famous Accra Comprehensive peace agreement, the role of the international community and zero in on the contribution of UN through its peace keeping mission, UNMIL.It also highlights the meaningful contributions of the United States government, UN Agencies and African Union as well as other world bodies and countries which Liberia maintained bilateral ties with in ending the world. The book also pinpoints how any quick withdrawal of UNMIL peacekeepers would exacerbate the fragile security situation in the country and affects the emerging democracy. Traumatized youth, most of whom are former fighters are vulnerable and could be assimilated into violence and political disorder.

The book also discusses the nation’s dangling political history in the context of the struggle for participation and battle against barriers which denied the natives from broad-based decision-making which started long before the 1990 rebel invasion. The author in a telephone conversation told me that the officially the final editing has been concluded since April 30th this year. The book he said as of July 1, 2014 can be purchase online for a reasonble price. The book he said has gone under lots of editing and layout before being approved for printing.

In appreciation the author effort, the Assistant Director-General for Africa Development of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Madam Lalla Aicha Ben Barka has praised Liberian women essential role in peace building, while several ambassadors in France have praised Mr. Gray for the publication which they described as informative and unique and speaks to Liberian ugly past and progress made so far,while the Nigerian Ambassador to France lauded Mr. Gray for what he described as an unique research and publication especially the chapter on his country Nigeria role in the obtainment of peace in Liberia. Other commendations came from members of the Liberian media, journalists, members of Liberia writers association, professors of universities, ministers and heads of government ministries and agencies, students group in the country and the general public. The book has attracted interests from the reading published in Liberia with hundred of persons requesting for copies.

In an official communicated to Mr. Josephus Moses Gray, dated 7 January 2013, Madam Aicha Ben Barka said President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf being elected as the first women President of a Republic in Africa and, 2011, the Nobel Prize winner for her 'non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women's rights to full participation in peace-building works.' She said Liberia clearly holds dear the importance of women in Africa's development and in building of peace on the continent, and added that: On behalf of the Director General, I wish to thanks you Mr. Gray for your letter of November 27 2012, by which you transmitted a copy of your book entitled "Liberia's Emerging Democracy: the Role of Women and the Media". The UNESCO Assistant Direcor for Africa Development further indicated in the letter that Mr. Gray's book is very instructive on the recent history of Liberia and the peace process that has emerged; the book underlines the prime importance of women in building peace, as well as the one of independent media."As you are aware, UNESCO supports both, particularly in conflict and post-conflict situation", the letter with reference ADG/AFR/CEP/12/L. 8094 concludes.

Articles

Africa’s Rich Oil: The New Diplomatic Scramble and Core Causes for Conflict Around The Continent

By: Josephus Moses GrayMobile: 0776824437/Email: jmoses1970@yahoo.com

The continent oil's high quality makes it relatively inexpensive to refine. But most Africans are seeing little benefit from this influx of oil drillers and investment; in fact they are often hurt by exports of their countries' oil and other riches. For instance, between 1970 and 1990, countries without oil saw their economies grow five times faster than those of countries with high quality of oil. A classical example is Guinea Bissau and Gabon, these two neighboring countries with abundant of oil and riches are rated among the poorly nations.

This is directly due to abuse of riches by the corrupt elites, politicians and foreign capitalists. However, part two of this article aims to scrutinize the claim that Africa is facing a New Scramble squally due to its high eminence of oil; analyzing the nature of the economic and political changes at work, the importance of Africa’s riches, and the political and economic forces behind the new oil rush. It also present in-depth, incisive analysis of critical issues in Africa and beyond such as the new scramble for the continent’s richer resources, and the core causes for poverty, corruption, bad governance and sparse distribution of oil wealth, thus using various moral lessons drawn concerning the present-day realities of the struggle for wealth.Part one which was published two weeks ago starts with an overview of the phenomenon labeled by some as the ‘New Scramble’.

The main body of the article evaluates the existence of a new scramble for the continent oil. Finally, by analyzing the likely impact on the economies of oil-producing states, it considers whether we should dismay or rejoice over the ‘new scramble for Africa’ oil. It further wrap up that the on-going existence of a oil scramble or a US–Chinese pursuit for Africa should be treated with some caution, while the economic impact of oil investments is likely to be bleak.So far, most of the attention has been focused on the struggles by external forces for Africa’s riches with the continent oil's high quality at the center of the new scramble. Yet, it is important to critically examine the struggle for the control of oil in Africa, and the ways in which these connect with the broader global structures, actors and processes.

This struggle has several dimensions, but it is often represented as pitching centralized control of oil revenues such as by a centralized state or dominant elite or group to the exclusion of marginalized groups or regions. The foregoing underscores the close intimacy between state and oil oriented power or agency, and the nature of the fractional squabbles over oil revenues on a national scale, which imposes centralist logic on the control and distribution of oil rents. The result of a centralist imposition of control from past experience is both the intense horizontal struggles for access to, and control of a larger share of oil rents, but more fundamentally, vertical struggles between the marginalized and oppressed groups and the corrupt foreign capitalists, egocentric politicians or oil elite privileged individuals.

These struggles also underpin the privileged class formation process mostly through strategic locationing in the distributive circuits of the politics of the oil-state often carried out through primitive accumulation activities. As such the premium on controlling political power is very high, leaving virtually no incentive or space for the democratization of state-society relations. Such features can be gleaned from politics in Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Southern Sudan, Sudan, Chad, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, just among few countries.

Theses botched policies are wholly attributing to poverty and suffering on the continent, where 60% of the population lived beyond poverty lines. A recent UN report shows that 76% of Africans have no access to standard pipe born water, good health care, electricity, social security benefits, sanitation facilities and good meals a day. The report further indicates that 25.8 million people of the two-thirds of the total world population suffering from HIV/AIDS live in Africa. And that Africa remains abundant in human and natural resources, but these riches especially millions generated from the sale of oil managed to enrich only a handful of African leaders and the family members, corrupt bureaucrats and their relatives and close friends, privileged individuals and foreign capitalists.

But there are millions of others who hailed Sino-African partnership and believed that it results to a win-win situation, arguing that African countries stand to benefit immensely in the context of infrastructural development. However, the actual cause of the argument stands from different interpretations and perceptions, most importantly how accurate is the information they obtain or hand over to them. Nevertheless, be mindful against making a decision on the debates, I decided to refrain from discussing a particular case or situation in relationship to a specific African country.What flows from the following is the complex architecture of the scramble for oil and its enmeshment with trans-global processes and actors. Given its place in the class struggles around in a rapidly globalizing world, oil is destined to be choice for power, influence and wealth.

Whether the struggle with between foreign capitalists and the ruling elite or State/ Indigenous private oil capital, the contestations are framed within highly inequitable relations of production and distribution, which deepen existing social contradictions within Africa, and further complicate any prospects of social transformation, or the democratization of state-society relations. Beijing‘s recent engagement in Africa has attracted a lot of attention and become a major economic force in Africa with a big amount of trade, investment and aid. Some critics especially from the West often use a double-standard to measure the Chinese engagement in Africa compared with the Western one. But also many people from different standpoints believe Chinese action to be beneficial to African development and help to empower the huge population on the continent. But from a critical point of views,

China serves as both an opportunity and a challenge. The opposite side claims Chinese-African relations were established long before China‘s need for raw materials on the basis of mutual sympathy and common development instead of colonization.Africa is frequently viewed as a loser in the process of economic globalization. Writers have emphasized that Africa is of little relevance ‘because no important economic interests are greatly affected’. But Africa’s oil and gas is one of the few outstanding exceptions to the perceived insignificance of Africa. Some capitalists predict that the United States will soon depend on Africa for a quarter of its total crude oil imports, and Africa already accounts for more than a quarter of China’s oil imports nowadays. Oil experts have revealed that unless geologists succeed in finding new and so far unidentified provinces, as consumers we will all be dependent on supplies from just three areas — West Africa, Russia and, most important of all, the five states around the Mideast.Part three of this article which appears in two weeks time will discuss in-depth the strategic interests of several powerful countries in Africa’s oil rich nations.

Let us not forget that the new scramble by Washington and Beijing is also drawing a new challenge from other actors from other countries including emerging economies such as Malaysia, South Korea, Brazil, and India. In March 2006, the ex-president of South Korea, Roh Moo-hyun, visited three resource-rich African countries, which according to a South Korean minister had a clear rationale: ‘Closer cooperation with Africa’s oil producers will help South Korea diversify its petroleum import sources, while Brazilian’s former president Lula da Silva has made a number of trips to Africa during his turners which are thought to help in selling Brazilian goods and services to oil-rich African countries and boosting Brazilian access to African oil. The prospect for oil in São Tomé Príncipe has seen the Brazilian authorities opening their first embassy on the island in 2003, in addition, Brazil has opened an oil-backed loan credit line with Angola for US$580 million for the next several years paid with huge barrels of oil a day. Malaysia and India are also making significant investments in African oil-producing countries. For instance, in 2005,

India offered lines of credit worth up to US$1 billion for infrastructure projects to West African petro-states ‘in exchange of oil exploration rights’. Pounding the views that all of that newfound interest in Africa amount to a New Scramble. Also Beijing has constructed the new headquarters for the African Union, while US has allocated billion dollars as a direct aid to Africa.More fundamentally, as a student of international relations and politics, I am of the opinion that the use of the term ‘new scramble to reference to global interest in African oil, appeared to be wrongly used since in that the original term ‘Scramble for Africa’ in the 1880s and 1890s signified a very different process. This period witnessed European nations including Britain, France, Germany, and Belgium turn Africa into colonies following a formal partition of Africa at the Berlin conference between 1884 and 1885. The Berlin conference provided those European nations with the legitimacy to govern Africa politically, militarily, and economically according to their spheres of control (Nohra 2008).

It is my understanding that access to natural resources such as oil in the colonies was dictated by the colonial power that provided the human expertise, capital, and technology to ignite the oil boom that followed. But in his thesis, Jedrzej George argues that it has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a ‘new scramble’ thanks primarily to its oil and gas wealth, with the United States and the People’s Republic of China actively competing for access to Africa’s resources. Crude oil is one of the world’s most important strategic resources, and Africa has attracted a lot of attention among corporate and political decision-makers because of growing global oil demand. He propounded further that indeed, it has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a ‘new scramble’ primarily to its oil and gas wealth. Some capitalists and ruling elites have continue to loosely use the term scramble. in a different place, the term ‘new scramble’ had been used to refer to the expanding interests of the United States in Africa. A preoccupation with China and the United States reflects discussions in the corridors of power across the globe about a new Sino–American rivalry in Africa, coming only less than a decade after talk of a developing US– French rivalry in Africa.

There is evidence of greater involvement of the United States and China in Africa, in terms of both commercial interests and political engagement on higher diplomatic levels. According to Jedrzej George, China is currently Africa’s third most important trading partner, ahead of the United Kingdom and behind the United States and France, with foreign direct investment (FDI) to Africa from China reached Billions while Chinese crude oil imports already derived from African oil-producing countries. More than 900 Chinese companies according to studies are reportedly operating in several African countries, and Chinese trade with Africa was said to surpass US$50 billion in 2006. He also said American investments in Africa have not risen at the same exponential rates over the past decade, but they are still enormous, stressing that Washington still commends greater admiration in Africa due primarily to its diplomatic influence and authority on a world stage, with no country received great respect as US.At the same time, oil imports such as crude and non-crude continued to dominate imports from Sub-Saharan Africa with US$40.1 billion in oil imports in 2005, accounting for 79.8 percent of all US purchases in the continent. African oil imports to the United States have been steadily rising and already account for some 20 percent of total US imports( Huddgary 2007), saying that the United States already imports more oil from Africa than from the whole Persian Gulf. In his thesis (Gray, Josephus, 2012) pinpointed that there is some skepticism, that the present resource-rich African states and political elite may not be able to use the increased revenues to transform their economies or societies, and would more likely enrich themselves and their patrimonial networks, and seek to entrench themselves in power through forceful means. Gray’s finding which is supported by several other students of International Relations and Politics, also pictures that emerges is that while China appears to have got its act together, Africa is still searching, with the West busy sizing up the Chinese influence on the continent and exploring the options for taking advantage of it. In the final analysis, there can be no easy answers outside of a critical reading of the processes of transnational capitalist accumulation, in which oil plays a central role.

The prospects of oil-rich African states emerging from the present struggle for the continent’s resources will ultimately depend of the ability of these states to transform themselves through a developmental ethos to acts as catalysts both for social and economic transformation, but perhaps more fundamentally, for the re-organization of production in the oil rich African states in ways that lift it out of its marginal position in the globalised division of labor. According to studies, most Africans are seeing little benefit from this influx of oil drillers and investment; in fact they are often hurt by exports of their countries' oil. And Between 1970 and 1990, countries without oil saw their economies grow five times faster than those of countries with oil, Liberia is a classical example. This much is clear from the well-known Niger Delta crisis where the struggle by the ethnic minorities for autonomy and resource control has assumed insurgent proportions with frequent attacks on oil and government interests by well-armed militias. Apart from the militias, transnational networks trading in illegal bunkering and small arms are also involved in the struggles for oil in the Niger Delta. By blending into the state-oil company-oil community nodes of power, authority and conflict, these networks are responsible for the loss of huge percent of oil production annually. Consider Gabon, which produces over 300,000 barrels of oil a day. "It's covered with tropical rainforest, but it's hard to find bananas that are grown there. They are mostly imported from Cameroon. At one point, Gabon was the world's largest per-capita importer of champagne.

" The oil -- and the champagne -- will eventually run dry. Gabon, with relatively small reserves, is already coming to terms with that possibility. By then, much of the rest of the country's economy may have atrophied, studies have indicated. In conclusion, oil money tends to corrupt politicians and bureaucrats whose end up vying to pocket a share of the finite oil riches, rather than looking for ways to invest in their country's long-term prosperity. Studies show that most oil rich’s governments aren't dependent on income taxes and therefore don't have to do what the citizens want, as such the state isn't an engineer of economic growth, but a gravy train. In this case, only a limited amount of money gets down to the people." The preceding clearly shows that although the scramble for Africa formally ended at the doorsteps of colonial rule, and independence, its spirit continues to haunt the continent as the world most powerful states, foreign capitalists, corrupt bureaucrats and egotistic actors continue to seek its resources for power, influence and domination on a global scale. Although the Western development workers and Africa have been questing the way of development of Africa for a long time and have been seeking for a change, the reality is still disillusioning.

The structural adjustment initiated by western government and adopted by African government seems to be a failure. The idea of turning to China as an alternative for prosperity has captured the imagination of many ordinary Africans, although others fear the threat of competition from the Chinese industrial juggernaut, and the rise of Chinese traders competing in local African markets. In this part two of this article, I have presented a conceptual and contextual framework, because I think it is necessary to outline some background information before discussing the issue. In part three of this article which will be released in two weeks time, I will try to explain some concepts and provide the Beijing and Washington policies towards Africa and what Africa hope to benefit from this new level of ties.